Are Offender Profiles Useful in Police Investigations?

Are Offender Profiles Useful in Police Investigations? In recent years, there are more and more people have become increasingly fascinated by offender profiling because of the influence of media. An example of this is the well-known criminal profiling film The Silence of the Lambs, which is based on the Thomas Harris novel of the same name. Some television shows such as Millennium, Profiler and The X-Files are also based around the premise of criminal profiling. However, Hicks and Sales (2006) emphasize that these portrayals encourage the view of profiling as an art rather than a science though these profilers have academic backgrounds and law enforcement experience. The prevalence of offender profiling has grown over the past three decades (Snook, Eastwood, Gendreau, Goggin and Cullen, 2007), although studies suggest that profiles have been found to be most effective as an additional tool, not as a solution to specific crimes (Wilson, Lincon and Kocsis, 1997:2). Using offender profiling would appear to be more beneficial than relying so lely on traditional methods of detection (Ainsworth, 2001). In addition, it is important for police detectives to know which crimes are connected in order to collate and compare the information between these related cases (Egger, 1984 as cited in Rossmo, 2000). This essay will discuss the underlying assumptions of both offender profiling and case linkage, and then argue the usefulness of these practices in criminal investigations. Offender profiling has been defined by different authors using different terminologies such as specific profile analysis, psychological profiling, criminal profiling and criminal personality profiling. However, the underlying concept of definitions remains the same (Jackson and Bekerian, 1997). Beauregard, Lussier and Proulx (2005) state that offender profiling provides some descriptive information about behaviours and personality of an offender by analysing crime scene characteristics, which can narrow suspects and finally solve the cases. Muller (2000) describes the information which the criminal profiler uses is often taken from the scene of crime, and profilers will take into account some factors such as previous crime scene, weapons, behaviours and words to the victim and the geographic patterns of crime. Davies (1992 as cited in Beauregard et al., 2005) emphasizes that offender profiling is an investigative tool which focus on the analysis of offenders behaviour and accordingly infers some of the criminals personal characteristics. In Europe, offender profiling is defined as attempting to produce a description of the perpetrator(s) of a criminal offence on the basis of analysis of characteristics of the incident and other background information (Stevens, 1995: 10), and this definition is adopted by the Association of Chief Police Officers Behavioural Science Investigative Support Sub-committee in UK (Ainsworth, 2000). Although the actual process of profiling differs from one profiler to another, the aim remains the same: to deduce the behaviour, personality, and physical characteristics of the offender (Muller, 2000). According to Holmes and Holmes (1996), profiling has the following three main goals: assessing the offender from social and psychological aspects, the evaluating suspected offenders relevant possessions, and consulting with law enforcement officials about some strategies when interviewing offenders. The process of constructing a profile of an unknown offender typically includes three stages (Snook et al., 2007). Firstly, collecting crime scene data by police officers is needed and then the data will be forwarded to a profiler; secondly, the profiler starts to analyze the data which stems from the crime scene; and the last step is the predictions about the personality, behaviours, and demographic characteristics of the likely criminal (Snook et al., 2007). Snook et al. (2007) also describe that the processes of analyzing crime scene data can be classified two types: clinical and statistical in nature. Clinically oriented techniques are based on the profilers intuition, knowledge, experience, and training, in order to generate predictions. Comparing these with statistically oriented techniques, the latter predictions are based on descriptive and inferential statistical models which derive from the result of analysing offenders characteristics who have committed similar crimes previously (Snook et al., 2007). It would seem that profiling can offer more accurate results in some kinds of offence (Stevens, 1995). Hazelwood and Burgess (1995) claim that some serial rapes, murders, arson, child abusing are extraordinarily appropriate for profiling. Ainsworth (2000) suggests that murder and some serious sexual offences are the most common crimes for using offender profiling. In addition, Ainsworth (2001) comments that such serious, personal contact crimes involve attacks on strangers are the most difficult cases to solve for the police. Wilson et al. (1997) also point out that profiling is most useful in serial offences, because profilers can extrapolate and compare data from the various crime scenes. However, the FBI holds the point that property crimes and robberies probably are not suitable for profiling because sometimes these offences cannot reflect the personality of offenders (Ainsworth, 2000). Police forces are always required to focus their investigative efforts to identify crimes which committed by the same offender, because the majority of the crimes come from the minority of offenders (Woodhams and Toye, 2007). Woodhams and Toye (2007) believe that case linkage can be used to examine the likelihood of a series of offences being committed by the same unidentified offender when lacking suitable physical evidence, such as DNA evidence. Crime analysts analyze crime scene actions to consider whether there are some similarities in behaviours which committed by a common offender (Woodhams and Toye, 2007). In addition, Holmes and Holmes (2002) suggest that linkage analysis can identify connections between similar crimes committed by different offenders. Alison, Bennell, Mokros and Ormerod (2002) state that offender profiling rests on two key assumptions in order to make profiling be possible. The first one is the behavioural consistency assumption, which means if serial offenders commit similar offences, they must exhibit behavioural consistency. According to Alison et al. (2002), the variation in behaviour an offender shows must be less than the variation in behaviour by different offenders. The second assumption relies on what Mokros and Alison (2002) have termed the homology assumption, which requires that similar offence behaviour of two offenders will match similar characteristics (Goodwill and Alison, 2007). In addition, the process of case linkage also rests on two key assumptions. The first one is the offender consistency hypothesis, the same with the first assumption of profiling. The second assumption of case linkage is that there is variation in the way different criminals commit crimes (Woodhams, Bull and Hollin, 2007). Thus, for it to be possible to link crimes which committed by the same offender, criminals must behave in a stable but distinctive manner (Woodhams et al., 2007). In terms of the behavioural consistency assumption, it has been hypothesized that each person has a cognitive-affective personality system which would affect the behaviour produced in a given situation (Mischel and Shoda, 1995 as cited in Woodhams and Toye, 2007). This theory implies that when people encounter situations which have a similar psychological meaning to them, they will produce similar behaviour (Woodhams and Toye, 2007). Salfati and Bateman (2005) studied 94 variables relating to serial homicide offences which were obtained from police case files of the Homicide Investigation and Tracking System (HITS) database in Seattle, Washington of USA. They state that serial homicidal offenders are consistent across the series of homicides in their crime scene behaviours. Bennell and Canter (2002) analyzed 86 solved commercial burglaries committed by 43 offenders, they demonstrated that commercial burglary offenders are consistent in their burglary behaviours. Moreover, Santtila, J unkkila and Sandnabba (2005) studied 43 serial stranger rape cases which occurred in Finland during the years 1983-2001, they confirm that rape has a consistent thematic structure (Santtila et al. 2005: 102) instead of being a haphazard collection of behaviours. Whether offenders show more consistency in some criminal behaviour than in others also has received great scrutiny. Researchers group the specific offender behaviours into domains, comparing with others in order to investigate whether offenders show greater behavioural consistency across their series of crimes (Woodhams and Toye, 2007). Grubin, Kelly and Brunsdon (2001) imply that behaviours within the domains of control and escape are less dependent on the situation and the victims behaviour, thus, the control and escape behavioural domains show greater behavioural consistency comparing with the sex and style behavioural domains. Besides that, Bennell and Canter (2002) found that target selection and entry behaviours showed relatively consistent comparing with property stolen by studying the sample of commercial burglaries. However, Goodwill and Alison (2007) stress that the situational determinants of an offence can cause enormous variation in the way of committing the offence. In addition, Goodwill and Alison (2007) also hold the point that the behavioural inferences made about an offender across a crime series are especially vulnerable to violating (Goodwill and Alison, 2007: 824) the consistency condition. Similarly, Snook, Cullen, Bennell, Taylor and Gendreau (2008) emphasize that offender profiling approaches are based on the lacking empirical support typologies and are often based on an outdated understanding of human behaviour. In terms of the homology assumption, perhaps the empirical evidence to support this assumption is a little weak. Mokros and Alison (2002) studied the cases about the number of 100 British male stranger rapists which had some similarities in the crime scene actions. They tested whether increased similarity in offence behaviour coincided with higher resemblance in characteristics and previous convictions. The characteristics they examined including age, ethnicity, employment, education, marital status, and criminal record. They concluded that in their study, there was no evidence could prove the assumption of homology according to the relationships between crime scene and rapists characteristics. Hà ¤kkà ¤nen, Puolakka and Santtila (2004) analysed the number of 189 arsons in Finland from 1990 to 2001 by using non-metric multi-dimensional scaling procedure. In order to find the associations between crime scene actions and criminal characteristics, they divided the crime scene actions into four types: expressive-object, instrumental-object, expressive-person and instrumental-person. In terms of criminal characteristics, they also divided into four types: adolescent, self-destructive arsonist, serial arsonist and criminal. As a result, they found that offenders who committed different types of arsons with some similar characteristics. Obviously, their study failed to offer strong empirical evidence to support the homology assumption. Similarly, Doan and Snook (2008) examined the number of 87 arsons and 177 robberies, and compared the different types and the various criminal characteristics. They stressed that the evidence is low to moderate to support the homology assumption. Furthermore, Goodwill and Alison (2007) declare that the homology assumption may be in effect in some cases but not others. Furthermore, they argue that the homology assumption may be dependent on the extent to the behaviours which influenced by situational, psychological or interpersonal fac tors. In terms of the second assumption of case linkage, some studies have investigated that crimes committed by the same offender can be differentiated from crimes by different criminals. Bennell and Canter (2002) studied 86 solved commercial burglaries, they found that 43 offenders had distinct behavioural features. Bennell and Jones (2005) reported that various linking features exist in different burglaries, and this research also supports the assumption of inter-offender behavioural variation. However, the above studies indicate that the process of case linkage is not perfect and the linkage accuracy appears to vary with crime types (Woodhams et al., 2007). In contrast, Woodhams and Toye (2007) used measures of predictive accuracy which called areas under the curve (AUCs), and they found that there was high predictive accuracy in their study of burglary. It tends to be the case that both the findings of offender profiling and case linkage will be greatly useful for solving the offences in criminal investigations. Offender profiling can inform the prioritization of suspects possessing specified characteristics (Oldfield, 1997 as cited in Woodhams and Toye, 2007: 60), and case linkage can combine police investigative efforts and information from different crime scenes (Grubin, Kelly and Brunsdon, 2001). Besides that, profiles can also be used in providing interviewing skills or approaches for detectives to the potential suspect (Gudjonsson, 1992), and it is important for the trial process, because profiles can provide useful suggestions for prosecutors by assessing the accused, witnesses and juries (Wilson et al., 1997). Furthermore, Holmes and Holmes (2002) stress that linkage analysis systems not only can locate possible suspects from records of similar past offenses, but also can provide maximum information for psychological and geo graphic profiling efforts through confirming similar crimes. In spite of the usefulness of profiling and case linkage, Ainsworth (2000) is worried about that people may be over-optimistic for profiling because it has attracted such widespread public interest. Wilson and Soothill (1996) hold the point that a profile will rarely solve a crime or catch a criminal by itself, but it is designed to be an aid to the investigating police. Profiling experts also state openly that offender profiles are merely another investigative aid, they have never meant to lead exclusively to the apprehension of offenders (Ressler and Schactman, 1992 as cited in Wilson et al., 1997: 8). Furthermore, Jackson and Bekerian (1997) stress that offender profiles do not solve crimes and the answers they are offered are not solutions, accordingly, profiling should be viewed as a tool which can be extremely helpful in offering some strategies, supporting information management, and improving case understanding. Similarly, Gerberth (1995 as cited in Holmes and Holmes, 2002: 1 4) asserted that Criminal profiling is an excellent law enforcement tool. However, it is just one of many tools and does not replace good investigative techniques. Although psychologists have offered very detailed and accurate profiles in a number of famous cases (Canter, 1994), profiles do not always have dramatic and successful results (Ainsworth, 2000). To date, there have been few accurate and systematic tests to examine the exact usefulness of profiling even though some profiles have been proved to be accurate and have led to the conviction of offenders (Ainsworth, 2000). Studies suggest that although criminal profiling is being utilized by police agencies around the world, there is no strong evidence can show that the profiling is reliable, valid, or useful (Snook et al., 2007). Accordingly, many researchers are reluctant to accept criminal profiling is reliable and valuable. For example, Godwin (1978 as cited in Holmes and Holmes, 2002) asserts that profiling has little effect in solving crimes, and he even describes profiles themselves are dull and tedious. Similarly, Levin and Fox claim that profiles are of little use in identifying th e murderers, unfortunately, this tool, no matter how expertly implemented, is inherently limited in its ability to help solve crimes (Levin and Fox, 1985 as cited in Holmes and Holmes, 2002: 275). Snook et al. (2007) conducted a narrative review and analysed the published literature, they concluded that the criminal profiling relied on weak standards of proof and profilers were not better than other groups in predicting the characteristics of an unknown criminal, they even declared that the profiling was extraneous and redundant in investigations. Similarly, Snook et al. (2008) argue that criminal profiling has the potential to mislead criminal investigators, hinder the apprehension of guilty criminals and lead to wrongful convictions. It would seem that profilers can provide more accurate profiles than nonprofilers even though some of the above researchers are reluctant to see profiling as a useful tool. Pinizzotto and Finkel (1990) examined profiles which conducted by professional profilers, detectives, psychologists, and students for a series of cases. Their study found that the profiles offered by the profilers were more accurate than by all of the other groups in most cases. In the sex offender case, the profilers significantly offered more accurate items such as the gender, age, and education of the offender. In addition, their study also shows that profilers can offer richer and more detailed reports (Pinizzotto and Finkel, 1990). However, with regard to the homicide case, the detectives were significantly more accurate than the profilers in the items such as the offenders employment and residence. Kocsis and his research team compared the accuracy of professional profilers, psychologists, self-identified ps ychics, college students, and various groups of law enforcement officers. They found that the profilers provided the actual offenders in the largest number of correct predictions (Kocsis, 2003), with the accuracy rates ranging from 46 per cent to 70 per cent (Kocsis and Middledrop, 2004). However, there was a notable amount of variability within the profiler group, Kocsis and Middledrop (2004) observed that some profilers were much more accurate than others, even though the cause of the variation was still unclear, whether it was due to overall differences in the profilers skills or to specific aspects of the cases. The popularity of profiling is often seen as a measure of its success (Wilson et al., 1997). Copson (1995) shows that in UK, 29 profilers have been responsible for providing 242 instances of profiling advice between 1981 and 1994. However, Snook et al. (2008) claim that profilers always overemphasize the number of correct predictions rather than the proportion of correct predictions. Although there have been very few pieces of research which have tested both the accuracy and usefulness of profiles in live criminal cases, Copsons study Coals to Newcastle? Part 1: a study of offender profiling is one of the few studies (Ainsworth, 2001). Copsons (1995) study demonstrates that 82.6% of respondents reported that the advice they received had been useful, though only 14.1% of officers reported the profiling advice had assisted in solving the case and only 16.3% of respondents reported that the profiling advice had opened new lines of enquiry. Besides that, there are more than 50 per cent o f respondents said that the advice had offered new information for the case. In Copsons (1995) study, 126 officers (68.5%) reported that they would seek profiling advice again definitely in similar circumstances, though less than 50 per cent officers reported that they would definitely use the same profiler again in the similar situation. In addition, Pinizzotto (1984 as cited in Wilson et al., 1997) found that from 192 requests for profiles, actually only 17 per cent were used to help identify the suspects, however, 77 per cent of the respondents reported that the profiles had helped to focus on the investigation. Furthermore, in the earlier survey, Douglas (as cited in Snook et al., 2008) demonstrated that in USA, 46 per cent solved cases of the 192 instances were attributed to the offender profiling which provided by the FBI. Similarly, Jackson, van Koppen, and Herbrink (1993 as cited in Snook et al., 2008) showed that in Netherlands, five sixths of surveyed police officers reported some degree of usefulness about the profiling advice which provided by an FBI trained profiler. Another research shows that in USA, a significant portion of police officers hold the point that offender profiling has its value (Trager and Brewster, 2001 as cited in Snook et al., 2008). Similarly, Torres, Boccaccini and Miller (2006) surveyed forensic psychologists and psychiatrists through the Internet in order to examine their experiences and opinions about profiling. They found that approximately 40 per cent of these professionals feel the criminal investigative analysis is scientifically reliable or valid, and 86 per cent believe that offender profiling is a useful law enforcement tool (Torres et al., 2006). Ainsworth (2000) points out that many senior detectives do not trust the usefulness of offender profiling which provided by profilers. Copson (1995) explains that the negative views taken by senior detectives may come from the misunderstanding of profiling. Copson and Holloway (1997 as cited in Ainsworth, 2000) show that profiling helped to solve only 16 per cent of the crimes in which it was used, and identified the offender in less than 3 per cent of cases. In contrast, Ainsworth (2001) emphasizes that we should look into these figures in a little more detail because normally profiling would only be considered when the case was too difficult to be solved. Another reason is that organizations such as the FBI are reluctant to offer the figures about the successes and failures of the profiles they provide (Muller, 2000). Brittons implication that a large amount of cases have been solved by routine police work, not by offender profiling (Britton, 1997 as cited in Ainsworth, 2000). Howe ver, Canter argues that profiling has advantages in terms of the resources especially for some particular crimes comparing with that the police throw more and more resources at the crime hoping that something will turn up (Canter, 1994: 21). When evaluating the usefulness of profiling, it is necessary to take into account if the profile is seen in isolation or merely as one part of more general guidance which a psychologist might provide to investigators (Ainsworth, 2000:119). Muller (2000) also emphasizes that although some profiles may lead the wrong directions to the investigation, this may only be a problem if the police place a greater amount of faith in the profile than they do in their own investigative skills (Muller, 2000: 259). Another problem should be concerned is that when evaluating the accuracy of a profile, police officers are excessively subjective (Kocsis, 2003). Smith and Alison (2001 as cited in Kocsis, 2003) found that police officers were unable to discern the difference in the amount of accurate information in two profiles, and they tended to interpret ambiguous statements by their own subjective intentions. Kocsis and Hayes investigated the perceptions of police officers concerning the utility and accuracy of the profile, also found that perception of the accuracy of a profile is quite likely to be associated with the readers perception regarding the identity of its author (Kocsis and Hayes, 2003 as cited in Kocsis, 2003: 129). Kocsis and Middledorp (2004) examined a sample of 353 participants in order to explore Kocsis and Hellers findings that the relationship between ones belief of a profile and the perceived accuracy of that profile. Kocsis and Middledorp (2004) found that there is a posit ive relationship between belief and perceived accuracy. They point out that the extent accuracy which participants perceive depending on their beliefs in profiling. Ainsworth (2001) also suggests that the dangers of the self-fulfilling prophecy should be concerned because police officers have the cognizant sense that any psychological profile may fit some individuals, which leads to the inaccuracy. Psychologists will tend to be focus on the probabilities of offence; in contrast, the police officers tend to operate in terms of guilt or innocence (Ainsworth, 2001). It would seem that it is difficult to assess the accuracy and the value of profiles. One important issue should be considered is that whether profiling can bring new information to an enquiry or whether the profiling can confirm those cases which the police already suspected (Ainsworth, 2001). Ainsworth (2001) implies that in many cases, it is difficult to discern the new material because there may be an overlap between the information which the profiler offers and that which has already been collected by the police. In some cases, although the profilers advice may not be seem as the new information, profilers input may help police prioritize the information which they are considering (Ainsworth, 2001). Moreover, the value of profiling may depend on different cases. For example, profilers can offer deeper insights of some more serious forms of mental illness and some sexual assault cases than non-experts and some police who have little previous experience about those cases (Ainsworth , 2001). In conclusion, the future of psychological profiling and case linkage appear promising, research seems to be supporting the underling assumptions of these practices even though there have been few systematic and accurate studies to test the exact usefulness of offender profiling and case linkage. In terms of the homology assumption, the empirical evidence is especially weak to support it. Profiling as an additional tool plays an important role in criminal investigations, especially in serial offences. Studies suggest that profilers can provide more accurate profiles than nonprofilers. Case linkage provides a good way to collate and compare the information between related cases, thus, investigative efforts can be combined and officers can avoid the repetition of investigations. Most police officers would seek profiling advice and case linkage because of the agreement of their usefulness. However, over-optimistic vision of profiling and case linkage should be concerned because they do not always have dramatic and successful results even though many solved cases were attributed to offender profiling and case linkage. Finally, profiling and case linkage are useful tools and cannot replace the other good investigative techniques.

Archetypes In Raising Arizona :: essays research papers

Raising Arizona   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  In the movie â€Å"Raising Arizona† a lot of Archetypes (a pattern consisting on literary elements found in all literature regards) are used throughout. Ethan and Joel Coen turned a serious subject like kidnapping, into a hysterical comedy. The use of archetypes are strong, the movie is basically one big archetype. The uses are archetypes are found within the language, plot, and character. When looking at the different archetypes they all seemed to fall under the category of characters. The three characters that are the strongest points of archetypes are Linard Smalls, Nathan Arizona, and H.I. McDonnough.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Linard Smalls has a rough edge to him. He is the evil guy of the story, or the biker â€Å"of the apocalypse.† The outfit he wears is tired and worn. It contains furs and leathers off all sorts of animals, and a hawk skull is worn around his neck. Along with the worn outfit he wears a layer of caked on dirt and debris that tell of where he has been. In introducing himself to Nathan Arizona he calls himself â€Å"a man hunter, or tracker of sorts. Some say even part hound dog.† â€Å"When some dink breaks out of the joint or skips bail I’m the one they call.† This evil bad guy is willing to turn good for a small price of fifty-thousand dollars. If Nathan Arizona wont pay, someone in the black market will. in the end Linard is killed by one of his own grenades. He lead to his own death.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Nathan (Huffhinds) Arizona is a funny character. Even while his son is missing â€Å"business is as usual at Unfinished Arizona.† While he is being interviewed in the beginning he isn’t even sure of which of his children where taken. When asked which child was taken his responds was â€Å"Nathan Jr. I think.† All through the movie it seems that all Nathan is concerned about is his business. When Linard offers to help he refuses his help and threatens him with the cops.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  H.I. McDonnough has the most going on. he is bad gone good, and then gone good to gone bad again. We start off in the beginning with his introducing himself. He is â€Å"a repeat offender† of the law. he robs convenient stores and somehow always manages to let himself be caught. When he is brought to jail he finds â€Å"a pretty desert flower† Ed (Edwina). The bad guy, H.

Motion to suppress qrant or denial

â€Å"Search and seizure law is drawn primarily from the Fourth Amendment, which has been called the most ambiguous of the 10 amendments that make up the Bill of Rights. â€Å" (McWhirter, 1994, pg 1)The extent to which police may stop and frisk suspicious people who are in public and may be armed and dangerous has been of issue in many cases, (e.g. Terry v. Ohio.)   The defendant was convicted of carrying a concealed weapon.   The court ruled that police may stop and frisk such people without probable cause if the police have a reasonable suspicion that the people pose a threat to public safety.The opinion of the Court., â€Å"This case presents serious questions concerning the role of the Fourth Amendment in the confrontation on the street between the citizen and the policeman investigating suspicious circumstances,† (McWhirter, 1994, pg 60).   However in our case involving the possession of an illegal substance, the seizure was not a follow up to a search incident o f a lawful arrest.â€Å"Constitutional flaws in the methods used to arrest, search, and interrogate may be uncovered, and the defense attorney can also establish a basis for a motion to suppress and therefore bar crucial evidence from a subsequent trial.† (Bamberger 1972, PG 119)The â€Å"War on Drugs† has led to the development of aggressive or innovative, depending on your point of view, police tactics.   The Supreme Court has developed three broad categorizations addressing the â€Å"encounters† between citizens and police.   Overall intent is to protect the right of the citizens to be secure against unreasonable searches and seizures.   â€Å"The Constitution does not permit police officers, without probable cause or reasonable suspicion, to restrain the liberty of American citizens.† (Terry v. Ohio, 392 U.S. 1, 19 n. 16 (1968.)Granted in a police department, law enforcement officials must simultaneously respond to a myriad of situations. An off icer may enter the residence to find no burglar or any other person and numerous marijuana plants belonging to the absent homeowner.   As in either of these cases, happen stance yields an illegal product.Generally, officers must make their initial warrant-less entry into the home or commercial building immediately after realizing an emergency is at hand. Under some circumstances though, courts have allowed police to delay their initial entry. â€Å"In these cases, police may be facing either an ongoing emergency, such as a kidnapping, or gathering facts to determine whether assistance is truly needed, such as in a missing persons case. If there is a reasonable explanation for the officer's delay, the entry, even though delayed, will most likely be construed as lawful under the emergency exception.† (10th Cir. 1994) (9th Cir. 1986)Sam Wardlow, a â€Å"middle-aged African-American male,† was standing in front of a building holding a bag†¦he ran before an arrest wa s made and a gun was confiscated. â€Å"Should running from police in â€Å"high crime areas† be viewed differently from running from police in â€Å"low crime areas†? If so, are there various shades of Fourth Amendment protections throughout the country, depending upon which neighborhood you live in?† (Slade, 1999, pg. 86)An additional indirect case that correlates the two â€Å"passenger† example, a defendant's motions to suppress confiscated drugs, State v. Kaluna, was granted on the ground that it had been illegally seized. The state supreme court affirmed this suppression order.   Following an arrest for robbery, â€Å"the defendant was told to strip for a search. She then reached into her brassiere and pulled out a piece of folded tissue. Handing it to the matron, she claimed that this was all that she had. The matron unfolded the tissue and found a barbiturate. â€Å"(Friedelbaum, 1988, pg 134)District court judge Santiago Campos granted motion to suppress (U.S. v. Zapata (1992, 1993) the physical evidence and statements. This ruling exemplifies the two â€Å"passenger† cases fact for fact.   The initial encounter between the passengers and the narcotics agent was â€Å"an involuntary and nonconsensual seizure† in violation of the Fourth Amendment. â€Å"In a public compartment on an Amtrak train with his wife and infant son†¦DEA Special Agent boarded the train†¦ identified himself as a police officer, blocked Zapata's egress from his seat, and asked if he could search Zapata's bags, Zapata seemed to agree. Zapata stood up, took down the bags, and opened them†¦several kilograms of cocaine.†Ã‚   (Renteln, 2004, pg 91)For the press, it is one of the most difficult situations, a hearing on a motion to suppress evidence.   â€Å"If the report of a confession reaches them, trial delays are almost certain. If the defense asks for a change of venue the judge will be put under additional s train, particularly if he decides to go ahead with the jury selection process.† (Gerald, 1983 pg. 51)Reference(s)Darien A. McWhirter, Publication Year: 1994. Search,Seizure and Privacy.Contributors: Publisher: Oryx Press. Place of Publication: Phoenix. Page Number: 1.Darien A. McWhirter. Publication Year: 1994. Search,Seizure and Privacy. Contributors: TERRY v. OHIO, MR. CHIEF JUSTICE WARREN, Publisher: Oryx Press. Place of Publication: Phoenix.. Page Number: 60.Richard Bamberger, Publication Year: 1972, Justice Is theCrime: Pretrial Delay in Felony Cases. Contributors: – Lewis Katz – author, Lawrence Litwin – author. Publisher: Press of Case Western Reserve University. Place of Publication:Cleveland, OH.. Page Number: 119.Florida v. Bostick, 1968 Washington, 151 F.3d at 1357(citing 501 U.S. 429, 439 (1991); Terry v. Ohio, 392 U.S. 1, 19 n. 16 ( (112.) Washington, 151 F.3d at 1357.(656) See United States v. Bute, 43 F. 3d 531, 537-39 (10thCir. 1994)stressi ng importance of â€Å"immediacy† requirement).(657) See, e.g., U.S. v. Echegoyen 799 F.2d 1271 (9th Cir.1986) (court upheld warrantless entry under exigent circumstances despite the fact that officers were on the premises for approximately two and one-half to three hours before they entered the home).David C. Slade, Publication Date: December 1999, Run! It'sthe Cops!: Police Protector or Enemy in High Crime Neighborhoods. Contributors: – author. Magazine Title: World and I. Volume: 14. Issue: 12.. Page Number: 86. COPYRIGHT 1999 News World Communications, Inc.; COPYRIGHT 2004 Gale GroupStanley H. Friedelbaum, Publication Year: 1988, HumanRights in the States: New Directions in Constitutional Policymaking. Contributors: – editor. Publisher: Greenwood Press. Place of Publication: New York.. Page Number: 134.Alison Dundes Renteln, Publication Year: 2004, The CulturalDefense. Publisher: Oxford University Press. Place of Publication: New York.. Page Number: 91.J. Ed ward Gerald, Publication Year: 1983 News of Crime: courts and Press in Conflict. Contributors: – author.  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   Publisher: Greenwood Press. Place of Publication: Westport, CT.. Page Number: 51.

The Characteristics Of George Washington As A Good King

Society turns to powerful leaders for guidance in times of uncertainty. Especially after the American Revolution, the people needed a leader to mollify the concerns entailing their newfound independence. They needed a president who could guide them like a king without creating a power vacuum, who could lead with respect without becoming corrupt, and who could put the future of the country beyond his own desires; America’s future was reliant on a leader who had these qualities. Luckily, the first president, George Washington, acted as the â€Å"good king† America heavily needed. Like Hrothgar, a good king in Beowulf, George Washington reflects similar characteristics of bravery and prominence. Hrothgar, king of the Danes, is referred to as a†¦show more content†¦Washington’s character as a good ruler cannot solely be based on the example of a single king; he must also be compared to bad kings to further emphasize his better qualities. Washington reflects opposite characteristics of Macbeth, a ruler who let ambition and the corruption of power overcome him. Macbeth became powerful by killing those in his way, and once in control, focused more on maintaining his power than he did on the kingdom. In Act 1, Scene 7, Macbeth portrays this desire to take down anyone in his path when claiming, â€Å"I have no spur / to prick the sides of my intent, but only / vaulting ambition† (Macbeth, 1.7.25-27). Macbeth’s willingness to commit murder and treason in order to become King of Scotland demonstrates that too much ambition is a characteri stic of a bad king. In contrast, Washington focused on putting the benefit of the country beyond his own power. When he voluntarily chose to step down from office rather than monopolizing the power as Macbeth had done, Washington puts the benefit of the people before his own (Ellis 122). However, some may argue that Washington’s decision was a selfish act, as the people were left without a good ruler, yet Washington meant the opposite. The resignation from office instead helped the country by teaching them â€Å"about how to sustain national unity and purpose, not just without him, but without a king† (Ellis 123). Thus, while some could argue that Washington hurt theShow MoreRelatedEssay about Great Leaders703 Words   |  3 PagesDetermination, courage, and confidence are all characteristics needed to be a good leader. The principal player in a music group is considered to be a leader. Even bands need leaders, if we didn’t have leaders where would we be today? John Quincy Adams once said, â€Å"If your actions inspire others to dream more, learn more, do more and become more, you are a leader.† A good leader is liked by the people, has power, and produces followers. 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